Post Conflict Reconstruction and the Resurgence of Supposedly Resolved Territorial Conflicts Essay Example for Free

Post Conflict Reconstruction and the Resurgence of Supposedly Resolved Territorial Conflicts Essay Beyond the rhetoric of traditional causes of conflicts which intermittently are also at the root cause of African territorial civil conflicts, this paper examines the question as to why conflict resurges in states where conflict has previously been resolved. From the perspective of two major theoretical frameworks in International Relations: Liberalism and Realism, this paper argues that mechanisms for conflict resolution are often short-termed and often not home-groomed to accommodate the needs of citizens emanating from a civil war. Liberals argue that this is primarily a failure of cooperation between external and internal actors or stakeholders in the peace process. To them, this lack of cooperation generates economic problems and inhibits mistrust which is the embryo for conflict resurgence. In contrast conflict resolution fails primarily as a result of factors emphasized by Realism. The conflict may not have been ripe for resolution because the practical meaning of recognition revealed large gaps between the ways that the parties defined their core interests. Against this background and given the depth of antagonism between the DRC government and MONUC on the one hand and rebel movements on the other, economic wealth of the Congo has failed to generate support for the peace process. Instead, it increased friction and placed additional political obstacles in the way of compromise. The paper also examines the potency of peacekeeping as a vehicle for conflict resolution. It argues that the design and conceptualization of peacekeeping albeit structural challenges like inadequate resources, ill-equipped personnel and lack of a clearly defined and sustainable vision are at the bedrock of cyclical conflicts. In examining the role of MONUC and other interveners in the Congolese peace process, the paper engages a conceptual thesis which seeks to clarify the difference between peacekeeping as a mediator, meddler and interventionist in African civil conflicts. This clarification will inform conceptual thinking on the potency of peacekeeping as a vehicle for the resolution of civil conflicts. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is one demonstration of the fragile nature of post conflict reconstruction and speaks to the need to step-up conflict prevention strategies to meet current challenges which have given rise to new trajectories to territorial conflicts in Africa. Despite deploying a Peace Mission to the Congo (ONUC)[1] in the 1960s, and despite currently harboring the largest and highest funded United Nations Peace Operation (MONUC);[2] the United Nations (UN) is still finding it difficult to bring an end to the territorial conflict in what is regarded as the site for the world’s worst humanitarian conflict. The conflict, therefore, seems to protract with each renewed effort to resolve it. Following field visits, extensive reading on the Congo and interviews with conflict analysts and residents of the DRC, this paper assesses the viability of peacekeeping as a measure for preventing the resurgence of new territorial conflict. While most interviewed are of the view that the challenges of the DRC peace process are enormous and complex, this paper interrogates the role of MONUC as a conflict prevention mechanism, and its effectiveness in sustainable peacebuilding in the Great Lakes region. The paper enriches conceptual thinking with the view that peacekeeping as a form of external intervention has the capacity to support fragile states in their peace building process, and to check prospective territorial conflicts if certain requirements are met. Preliminary investigations indicate that, contrary to previous research which posited political, natural resource and cultural underpinnings as causes of the current DRC conflict, the lack of a clearly defined plan to stop hostilities in the East can largely be accountable for the cyclical violence. Contrary to expectation that following the 2006 DRC election, the fragile Congolese state had attained sovereign maturity to govern itself with limited external support, this paper posits the need for dedicated and timely funding to a new mediator who will engage a five-phased peacebuilding process which will re-orientate existent theoretical and pragmatic processes of conflict prevention, and define succinctly, through policy recommendations, a new direction for the prevention of territorial conflicts. Following this introduction, the next section will explore the causes of territorial conflicts in Africa and elsewhere. This section engages a brief differentiation between causes of conflicts and causes of conflict resurgence with the view of demonstrating that if one cannot prima facie understand the causes of conflict, its resolution attempts will be flawed and such attempts will serve as the corner stone on which prospective conflicts will be erected. Section two will engage a theoretical overview of causes of conflict resurgence. This section will examine causes of conflict resurgence as propounded by two main schools of thought of International Relations: Realism and Liberalism. Following this, tools of conflict resolution will reviewed with principal focus on peacekeeping. The Section will trickle down to a case specific analysis of whether peacekeeping as a tool for conflict resolution is a byproduct of intervention or mediation, and whether in the exercise of their craft, peacekeepers qualify to be called mediators or would be considered meddlers. This section argues that, between 1999 to 2006 when the first democratic election in the Congo was organized, MONUC could well be considered as a mediator, but following that period, MONUC till date (July 2006 to 2010) she is a meddler in the peace process which is largely driven by the rapprochement that was reached between the DRC and Uganda on the one hand, and the DRC and Rwanda on the other. Causes of territorial Conflicts in Africa There are contending theories as to the causes of territorial conflicts. Conflicts seem to have a litany of literature compared to other subsidiary topics of International Affairs and African studies. Scholars have thus far not been able to see the divide between causes of territorial conflicts and conflicts which ensue from the impotency of mechanisms tailored to resolve them. As a result, there is no dearth of literature on the causes of conflicts but one hardly finds any one who has contended that an ineffective resolution strategy could spark new trajectories to conflict. Existing literature on causes of conflict is sometimes limited in scope to address on causes in particular. Adekeye Adebajo has articulated political and cultural underpinnings to be responsible for conflicts. 3] This could hold true for the Sierra Leone conflict but in the face of global adversities, his speculations stand to be criticized because other conflicts like the Rwandan genocide emanate from imbalances in the distribution of economic, political and social resources. Moreover, the ongoing Sudanese conflicts have religious/and or ethnic undertones with no element of cultural or political formulations which equally go along way to excavate the lacunae in Adekeye’s speculations. Paul Collier holds the view that conflicts are fuelled by economic considerations. He posits that most rebel organizations cling onto the idea of grievances in order to elicit more public support for their cause. In his hypothesis, he contemplates that a state with superfluous resources, increasing working-age population, and high unemployment rate is most likely to harbor conflict. His hypothesis, though true for many conflicts that have plagued Africa does not explain other cases in Africa. For instance, former British trusteeship of Cameroon fondly known as Anglophone Cameroon has been wailing for a fair share of economic, political, social and natural resources of the country. Despite this, discontentment has not resulted to war or any from of concrete violence as has occurred in other countries. This phenomenon consequently makes Collier’s assertions fluid. Summarily, Collier, Eboe Hutchful and Kwesi Aning argue that there are countries that have experienced conflict where natural resources were not articulated as the source of the conflict. They cited the examples of Chad and Ethiopia. [5] They acknowledged that some conflicts have been fueled by purely non-resource driven motives resulted. This is true with the cases of Angola, Afghanistan and Sudan. They, however, conceded to the fact that in the conflicts in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) resources were one of the stimulants among other elements. They tried to strike a balance by postulating that the end of the Cold War culminated in the proliferation of arms, and ineffective post conflict demilitarization, demobilization, and reintegration of ex-combatants which culminated in an outburst of wary and distressed combatants resulting several coup detat putsch attempts. While one may agree with the grievance theory, the million dollar question is what are people aggrieved about as to resort to conflicts, destruction of property, murder and assassinations? Is it about Governance? Is it distribution of resources? The answer is definitely far from the propositions of the aforementioned scholars. Because some countries have resource crisis and mismanagement, repressive regimes, and poor governance, but know no conflict. This therefore suggests that there is yet an unknown cause of conflict, and this cause is probably one that cuts across all conflicts. The present paper contemplates that inefficacies in the mechanisms for resolving these conflicts could be the brain-child behind the cyclical resurgence of conflicts in states previously hit by territorial civil wars. William Reno on his part contends that internal warfare is motivated by economic considerations especially with regard to the intensification of transitional commerce. He argues that there is a relationship between corruption and politics. According to Reno, conflict is bound to rise where a ruler makes life uncomfortable for his citizens by encouraging the search of his espionage as a means of escaping from squalid conditions. Reno in his postulations contemplates that the absence of good governance engenders politics as a cause of conflict. [8] William Zartman on his part contemplates that the increase in conflict is orchestrated by the collapse of state structure. [9] While one may agree with the collapse of state theory, the lotto question is: What drives the leaders to run the state aground? Keith Somerville, in his view tries to locate the source of conflict within the geopolitical map of Africa, which was bequeathed to it by the colonial powers. He contends that the colonial boundaries and state lines have led to the potpourri of people who hitherto had never before mixed as a group. [10] This articulation is paradoxical. While it means that even if the boundaries that existed in the pre-colonial time were maintained, there could still exist though at different levels, and with different target. [11] The diverse schools of thought examined above have attempted an investigation into the causes of conflict. They have posited economic underpinnings, lack of good governance, and disintegration of state institutions, religious and ethnic differences, corruption and colonial imprints. The opinions are not quite erroneous but fail to see ultimately that conflicts emanate because the global village appears to be in consonance with the fact that peacekeeping is the first port of resort for conflict resolution. Moreover, the fact that the problems postulated by the above authors have engendered conflicts in some areas and not in some despite the presence of similar factors suggest that there is more to conflict than has been articulated by contemporary research on the subject matter. The present paper contemplates that inefficacies in the dispute resolution machinery incubate further conflicts. This paper contemplates that if peacekeeping tools are tailored to empower stakeholders to a peace process, conflicts will be resolved before they escalate. On the contrast between causes of conflicts and causes of conflict resurgence, it should be noted that if conflicts are not prima facie mastered, it will be difficult to seamstress right solutions to them. As a result conflicts tend to hatch new and probably even more complicated dimensions to it.

Use of Biblical Imagery in Cather’s Sapphira and the Slave Girl :: Cather Sapphira Slave Girl Essays

Use of Biblical Imagery in Cather’s Sapphira and the Slave Girl Throughout "Sapphira and the Slave Girl", Cather uses Biblical imagery to depict critical events. Specifically, Nancy's flight to freedom, and Mary's overcoming a potentially fatal illness. Cather continually uses Biblical imagery when describing Nancy's journey out of slavery and into freedom. For example, Mr. Colbert sees Nancy as going "up out of Egypt to a better land", clearly connecting her with flight of Hebrew slaves out of Egypt in the Bible. Connecting Nancy's escape to the Biblical pilgrimage of Moses to the "promised land" serves to reinforce the underlying righteousness of her actions-- as well as the inherent evil of slavery. In depicting her actual journey, the reader once again encounters Biblical allusions. This occurs in Cather's description of the black preacher who will protect Nancy on her way to Canada. Cather portrays this man almost as a disciple, his voice being described as "solemn yet comforting" sounding "like the voice of prophecy" (239). Ascribing such a sage-like persona to this man solidifies the righteousness of both Nancy's, and Mrs. Blake's, efforts to defy slavery's bonds. Mary's "communion" strikes me as another important event whereby Cather uses Biblical imagery. In this particular incident-- which invariably saves Mary's life-- she "walking in her sleep" drinks the bowl of broth intended for Mr. Fairhead (259). Cather depicts Mary as preternatual, being "a white figure" which "drifted"--rather than walked-- "across the indoor duskiness of the room" (259). Mary, seemingly in an altered state, in guided by what one can interpret as instinct, or "divine forces", which lead her to the soup. Similar to the black preacher's voice, Mr. Fairhead sees Mary's actions as "something solemn. . . like a communion service" (259). From a Catholic perspective, the purpose of communion is receiving the "body" and "blood" of Christ, thereby receiving "new life". One can see, in this instance, why Cather would deliberately paint this scene in Biblical terms, because Mary-- wuote literally-- receives a new chance at life from the soup she drinks. Similar to Nancy's flight from slavery, Mary's drinking of the soup is an instance of an individual defying detrimental societal conventions. While taken as correct, the remedy for Mary and Betty's illness is not only wrong, but fatal. Cather thereby uses Biblical imagery to reinforce the righteousness of Mary's actions, even though they go against what society--specifically medicine-- sees as the "correct" course of treatment.

The Garden of Remembrance

I spent much of my childhood in a tree. Our garden was big and if you ran down the path, avoiding the wolves that lived next door you were very safe, isolated from the outside world by soaring bushes, their leaves cool to the touch. A huge mulberry bush grew by the lawn, its branches making a woven screen. With little difficulty, it was possible to enter a clearing inside the bush, and eat the juicy fruit, the juice running down your chin, and staining indelibly your clothes. On the lawn were rings of mushrooms where the fairies held their council, of which I always dreamed of being a member. Beads of dew formed on the long grass, lanterns the fairies had left behind. To the left of the lawn was a wall, and an archway entrance. It was a deserted castle of which I was the princess. From the top of the wall, you could see the whole garden. It was easy to get up there, by climbing on the hard stone bench and then up the mossy lion. A few apple trees grew on the other side of the stone room near to the crumbling shed. The third tree from the shed was my tree. Its bark familiar, and its branches smooth from years of touch. The highest branch was my throne where I spent most of my time, watching the brown ovals of people's heads and listening to their conversations. I especially enjoyed watching her. The light bounced off her hair impressively, like it did off the kingfishers we saw in Devon. If I leant forwards until the tips of my fingers reached the branch below, I could see her whole face. She was very beautiful. Every one said so. Her eyes were big and brown, just like I wanted mine to be. Her long, straight nose seemed to be made for looking down. Often I would practise in the mirrors in the hall that look of hers until I could mimic it exactly. In fact, most of my early childhood was spent copying her, trying to be like her. I was almost eight when I realised she was not my mother. I suppose she must have been my stepmother. I had spent the morning out at the goldfish park with her. Marine Gardens it was called. The salty air was uncharacteristically warm and I took my bike. The little cafi was full and people overflowed onto the grass of the putting green. They were mostly tourists with their cheap cameras and bulging waists. The cross old man who ran the place where you got balls and clubs for the mini-golf was trying to shoo them away. Just behind the mouldering cafi were the goldfish ponds. Despite all the people round the front, it was empty. The grey courtyard was damp and moss protruded through small cracks as it always did. The pond was made of the same slimy stone. Inside each of the four ponds were the darting fish. They only just shone through the murky water. Some one had put an empty coke can in with the fish and I spent some time untwisting it from the weeds. She held my hand as I jumped across the pond, round, and round without touching the ground. With my added height, I could watch the men playing bowls with the big heavy balls. It looked easy from far away but the previous time I had come, I had tried and had found that it was not easy at all. We danced all the way home that day. I remember it vividly. I could not have been more happy, or more proud of her. No one else at the park had such a beautiful, agile, and fun-giving parent. But this was the last day that I would have fun with her. When we got back, my father was in my room. He broke all the rules when he told me. I was sitting on my bed tracing the swirls on the ornate wooden bed head. I imagined a chisel whirling round and round, making the courtly curls. My duvet was creased, slightly rumpled and I itched to straighten it. He stood at the door giving no warning of what he was saying. No hints. Just the bare facts. As soon as I realised what he was saying I ran to the garden, bawling in the way very young children do. All my life, I had wanted to be like her, was content in the knowledge that I would grow up to be just like her, but now to find she was nothing but a stepmother. It must have been around a week later, it was hard to tell; the days after he told me seemed very long, I went into my father's study in search of string so we could tie up some runner beans. The lights were off and I couldn't see my father anywhere. Approaching the desk I found him slumped on his desk, a glass of whisky clamped in his hand, sobbing. The thick velvet curtains cast a red light on his face. On the edge of the desk was his calendar; in the strange light, the white card of the calendar glowed scarlet. In this red gloom, I could just pick out the date. 16th March. My father never knew that I had seen him in that state. I crept away knowing that I had no business there and fearful of the consequences of having been seen Exactly a year later, I had almost forgotten that I had ever had a mother it was so far to the back of my mind. I woke up to the sound of someone bellowing. Hastily, I ran down the stairs to the breakfast room. As I came into doorway, the figure of my father loomed over me. He stood there fully dressed in his best suit. The inky black seemed to suffocate him, and cast an uneasy blue on his unusually pale face. Unlike most mornings, he was clean-shaven and his shirt was tucked in and pressed. Why are you dressed like that? I said, â€Å"Has someone died? † My words seemed to choke him, and ignoring my questions, he ordered me to change into my best clothes. I dare not ask why so I quickly did as he told. We drove in silence. I did not even wave at the seagulls as I normally would. My mind was occupied with what was happening. Something was wrong. My stepmother, as I had learnt to call her, was not with us. Even the cold wind did not taste right. About 15 minutes later, though it seemed like much longer as these things always do, we arrived at what seemed at first to be a large park, enclosed by a stone wall. As soon as I stepped out of the car I realised, that this wasn't a park at all, but a large graveyard. My father seemed to know exactly where to go, so I trailed behind him, sadly looking at the small shiny white lozenges. We started to move towards what had to be the older graves. They were no longer glaringly white and the flowers on them were withered, the grass long. It wasn't possible to see the names anymore; a green moss writhed across each headstone. Here and there, there were small bouquets, but the wind quickly blew small petals away. My father stopped on end of the fifteenth row. He beckoned for me and, brushing aside some off the moss, revealed the name. I looked at him blankly. It meant nothing to me, until I realised that this was my mother. I felt no emotion. I was not sad in the least. This was not someone I knew. I began to wonder what was for lunch. I was hungry after missing my breakfast. Then it hit me all of a sudden. I was at my dead mother's grave and I felt nothing. A wave of guilt flew over me. I felt inadequate, an emotional cripple, horrified at the person that I was. I started to cry. Not for my mother. For me.

A Brief History of Unctad Essay

The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) was established in 1964 as a permanent intergovernmental body. It is the principal organ of the United Nations General Assembly dealing with trade, investment, and development issues. The organization’s goals are to â€Å"maximize the trade, investment and development opportunities of developing countries and assist them in their efforts to into the world economy on an equitable basis.† (from official website). The creation of the conference was based on concerns of developing countries over the international market, multi-national corporations, and great disparity between developed nations and developing nations. In the 1970s and 1980s, UNCTAD was closely associated with the idea of a New International Economic Order (NIEO). The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was established in 1964 in order to provide a forum where the developing countries could discuss the problems relating to their economic development. UNCTAD grew from the view that existing institutions like GATT (now replaced by the World Trade Organization, WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and World Bank were not properly organized to handle the particular problems of developing countries. The primary objective of the UNCTAD is to formulate policies relating to all aspects of development including trade, aid, transport, finance and technology. The Conference ordinarily meets once in four years. The first conference took place in Geneva in 1964, second in New Delhi in 1968, the third in Santiago in 1972, fourth in Nairobi in 1976, the fifth in Manila in 1979, the sixth in Belgrade in 1983, the seventh in Geneva in 1987, the eighth in Cartagena in 1992 and the ninth at Johannesburg (South Africa)in 1996. The Conference has its permanent secretariat in Geneva. One of the principal achievements of UNCTAD has been to conceive and implement the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP). It was argued in UNCTAD, that in order to promote exports of manufactured goods from developing countries, it would be necessary to offer special tariff concessions to such exports. Accepting this argument, the developed countries formulated the GSP Scheme under which manufacturers’ exports and some agricultural goods from the developing countries enter duty-free or at reduced rates in the developed countries. Since imports of such items from other developed countries are subject to the normal rates of duties, imports of the same items from developing countries would enjoy a competitive advantage. Currently, UNCTAD has 194 member States and is headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland. UNCTAD has 400 staff members and an bi-annual (2010–2011) regular budget of $138 million in core budget expenditures and $72 million in extra-budgetary technical assistance funds. It is also a member of the United Nations Development Group.] There is a list of non-governmental organizations participating in the activities of UNCTAD A Brief History of UNCTAD Page Image Image CaptionPage ContentFoundation * In the early 1960s, growing concerns about the place of developing countries in international trade led many of these countries to call for the convening of a full-fledged conference specifically devoted to tackling these problems and identifying appropriate international actions. * The first United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) was held in Geneva in 1964. Given the magnitude of the problems at stake and the need to address them, the conference was institutionalized to meet every four years, with intergovernmental bodies meeting between sessions and a permanent secretariat providing the necessary substantive and logistical support. * Simultaneously, the developing countries established the Group of 77 to voice their concerns. (Today, the G77 has 131 members.) * The prominent Argentinian economist Raà ºl Prebisch, who had headed the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, became the organization’s first Secretary-General. Phase 1: The 1960s and 1970s * In its early decades of operation, UNCTAD gained authoritative standing: * as an intergovernmental forum for North-South dialogue and negotiations on issues of interest to developing countries, including debates on the â€Å"New International Economic Order†. * for its analytical research and policy advice on development issues. * Agreements launched by UNCTAD during this time include * | * * the Generalized System of Preferences (1968), whereby developed economies grant improved market access to exports from developing countries. * a number of International Commodities Agreements, which aimed at stabilizing the prices of export products crucial for developing countries. * the Convention on a Code of Conduct for Liner Conferences, which strengthened the ability of developing countries to maintain national merchant fleets. * the adoption of a Set of Multilaterally Agreed Equitable Principles and Rules for the Control of Restrictive Business Practices. This work later evolved into what is today known as â€Å"Trade and Competition Policies†.

How was Civilian Life Affected During World War 2 Research Paper Example

How was Civilian Life Affected During World War 2 Research Paper Example How was Civilian Life Affected During World War 2 Paper How was Civilian Life Affected During World War 2 Paper During the course of the Second World War the lives of civilians were changed in a number of ways. In this essay I will be mainly concentrating on how the lives of people living in Britain were altered. In order to answer the question How was Civilian Life Affected During the War? , I will look at how daily life changed due to evacuation, bombing and rationing and the role of the woman changed. The lives of British civilians were affected immediately with the beginning of the war. Fearing air raid attacks from the German Luftwaffe black outs began. The idea of blackouts was to make it difficult for German bombers to find their arget. Main cities which were considered to be most vulnerable to attacks were, literally blacked out at night. Street lights were turned off, car headlights were masked and windows were covered with thick curtains. This caused many inconveniences for people, because it meant that it was very hard to travel at night. On top of this the amount of road accidents steeply inclined. In one month of blackout over 1000 people were killed on the roads. However, blackouts did not stop the threat from the air. Even though the Germans could not see what they were bombing didnt necessarily mean that he bombs didnt find their target. From September 1940 to May 1941 the Blitz became a part of life for many British people. Nearly every night people living in towns and cities would be awoken by the loud droning of the air raid siren. This told people that a German raid was impending. These people only had minutes to reach the safety of their air raid shelters before the bombing began. Once in the shelter they would have to sit out the falling bombs, praying they wouldnt be hit. This would have been a terrifying experience, spending sleepless nights laying huddled in a dark air raid shelter. German bombing resulted in thousands being left homeless and thousands being killed. Children would be orphaned whilst an entire road of houses would be reduced to rubble living people to face the rest of the war homeless. During the Blitz, the evacuation of children to the country began. People living in the country were not as vulnerable to air raids as people in the cities. Therefore the country was considered to be a much safer place to live. During the Blitz roughly two million children were moved to villages in the country. Here they lived with the villagers. For every child moving from a big city to he country was a new experience. Many saw sheep and cows for the first time in their lives. Many poor evacuees it was a better change in lifestyle. Bathing for these children became a regular occurrence, so did eating at the table. For these children evacuation had bought them a more healthier life and in some cases a more well mannered up bringing. For other children it was the opposite. They left comfortable homes in the city for old farms and their animals. No indoor toilets no bathrooms, no electric. It was like going back to the olden days. I never imagined someone could live like that. This was the pinion of one evacuee. It shows that for evacuation didnt affect life for better, but for worse. There was one aspect of the war that affected all the civilians of Britain, whether they lived in big cities or the country, rationing. As most of the food being brought to Britain in ships were intercepted by German submarines, supplies began to run short. This meant that certain foods had to be rationed. People were given ration books with coupons, which they then used to buy food. As the war continued soap and clothes were also rationed. People were even told to monitor how much hot what they used. If food supplies were good then an adult could expect the following for one week; 100g jam 50g magerine 350g meat 3 eggs (dried powder) 50g cooking fat 50g butter 100g cheese 225g sugar 50g tea Rationing affected everyone. It caused them to be more careful and conservative. Rationing also meant some hardship, because they were forced to cut down. However, people were not led to complete starvation. For people living in upper classes rationing would have had a bigger affect on them. They would have been used to more food than rationioning provided. Also they would not be used to not washing in hot water. Richer people would have suffered more where poorer people would have still been affected but not as much. The war probably affected civilian women the most. When the fighting began millions of men left their jobs and joined the army. This left many vacancies in many different jobs. These were filled by women. Three hundred thousand women left their jobs in the clothing industry to help in the war effort. They were joined by many other women and anyone who wasnt fighting. Women worked in shipyards, aircraft factories, engineering work, chemical factories and arms factories. They also became bus conductors, railway workers and abourers. By 1943 about 80% of women were contributing towards the war effort. The contribution of women during the war aided Britain greatly and was probably a factor of its eventual success. With women working and doing the jobs men normally did men were able to go and fight inthe war. In conclusion and in answer to the question, How was Civilian Life Affected During World War 2? , it can be said that civilian life was greatly affected. For everyone living in big cities there was the risk of being made homeless or killed by German bombing. This may have caused people not to take their lives for granted. People were put in increased danger when they travelled at night due to the blackouts. Children were separated from their parents when they were evacuated to the country. However, many children enjoyed the country way of life. Rationing meant that everyone had to cut down on food. Maybe the biggest change in civilian life happened to the role of the woman. During the war she became a much more needed and respected member of society. This evidence shows that, for many people that war brought hard times and much work was needed to pull through. Overall, the war brought many changes on civilian life, some were good, others bad.

The Weighty Relationship Between Ponder and Pound

The Weighty Relationship Between Ponder and Pound The Weighty Relationship Between Ponder and Pound The Weighty Relationship Between Ponder and Pound By Mark Nichol Ponder and pound respectively pertain figuratively and literally to weighing things, and this commonality isn’t a coincidence: The Latin word pondus, meaning â€Å"weight,† is the source of both words. Ponder, meaning â€Å"consider† or â€Å"reflect† (though the original senses were â€Å"appraise† and â€Å"estimate†), stems from the Latin term ponderare (with the same meaning), the verb form of pondus. The noun form ponderance, meaning â€Å"importance† or weight,† is rare- much less common than preponderance, which refers to a superiority or majority of amount or number. The adjective imponderable, originally with the sense of â€Å"weightless,† later came to mean â€Å"unthinkable,† in the sense of something that one cannot manage to comprehend. Meanwhile, ponderous, which first meant â€Å"thick† but later came to pertain to heaviness or clumsiness, comes from the Latin term ponderosus, meaning â€Å"of great weight† or â€Å"heavy with meaning.† Pinus ponderosa (â€Å"heavy pine†), the Latin scientific name of a type of pine tree found in the western United States, is the source of that conifer’s common name, ponderosa. The Latin word pondus was borrowed into various Germanic languages early on; in Old English, as pund, it came to refer to a measure of weight equivalent first to twelve ounces and later to sixteen ounces. The use of the term pound for a unit of currency came about from reference to the value of a pound of silver. The other two senses of pound are unrelated to this meaning (and to each other). Pound in reference to a place of confinement or a supply center (now most commonly pertaining to an enclosure for animals) is related to pond; both stem from an Old English verb, pyndan, which means â€Å"dam† or â€Å"enclose.† Meanwhile, the verb pound, which refers to repeated blows, is from another Old English word, punian, meaning â€Å"beat† or â€Å"crush.† Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Vocabulary category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:Types of RhymeAt Your DisposalAdvance vs. Advanced

Macro & Micro economics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Macro & Micro economics - Essay Example Technology-based water pollution-control standard might not be the most economically efficient or cost-effective way to achieve a given level of reduction in water pollution because this approach would require us to spend more. There is associated monetary amount linked to this move, and so the most important initiative that we need to take to ward our way off an insurmountable amount of expenses is to encourage the participation of everyone, because it is here where the necessary general control starts. Just like the initiative employed in Wabash Rivers, the governor recently would want the land conservation initiative, as this has potential viewed impact to preserve important natural resource and habitat (Wabash Rivers Initiative). In this initiative, there is a required participation of the majority to have consensus general impact, which means there is a necessary uniform action that everyone should implement, reducing the other relevant potential costs had it been that not every one is participating. 2. Discuss the different point sources and nonpoint sources for water pollution. Explain why it has been more difficult to reduce the nonpoint sources. Be specific about what types of nonpoint sources are contributors to water pollution. Point source of water pollutions comes from one source such as either a factory or waste water treatment plant, but the nonpoint sources for water pollution come from the accumulation of pollutants from the day-to-day activities of individuals in the society (Point versus Non-Point Source Pollution). A specific type of nonpoint source is from driving a car. This is an activity that goes daily, and it is hard to reduce this one because transportation has become a critical point in the economic development of the society. For example, transportations have become crucial components of the moving transactions from one company to another. Transportation definitely links the trade and commerce industry in order to flourish and obtain the economic advantage they so desire to achieve. People also require transportation in order to complete any related economic activities they have to perform for the day prior to their survival and the achievement of their basic necessities in life. In other words, it is really difficult to eliminate transportation, as a nonpoint pollution source in today’s highly advanced and economically developed society. 3. In the Taking Sides articles, Milton Friedman argued that indeed profits are the only business of business. Explain what that might mean for controlling environmental pollution. Without government regulation, when would you expect firms to engage in activities that help the environment? Give specific examples. Without government regulation, firms will engage in activities that help the environment when things around them could affect their business, as essentially, Milton Friedman has the point of saying that profits are the only business of business. After all, busi nesses substantially exist because they want to achieve profit in the first place. This profitability may be affected when for instance the companies’ productions may be affected by the lack of raw materials that comes from the environment, as eventually the upshot of on-going pollution. A fish canning factory for instance may go bankrupt or may close business when the supply of fresh raw materials from the ocean deteriorates due to prevailing environmental pollution. Here will be the point when that canning factory will adhere to environmental sustainability and initiate moves or strategies linked to their corporate social responsibility, encouraging the society to take part of their goal to preserve the environment where they get their source of raw materials for their production. 4. Compare the